While the international monetary problem has uncovered deep flaws within the loose industry, the united states, Australia, New Zealand, Brunei, Chile, Peru, and Vietnam are negotiating a free-trade contract to surpass all others—here a world group of specialist commentators disclose the myths of another neo-liberal adventure
No usual loose alternate deal, The Trans-Pacific Partnership has been billed as an contract healthy for the twenty first century—but nobody is bound what that implies. The U.S. sells this eight-country deal because the key to jobs and fiscal restoration, whereas holding domestic markets; Australia hails it as a beginning stone for an APEC-wide loose exchange contract; and New Zealand sees it as a magic bullet to open the U.S. dairy market—but none of those arguments stack up. right here Lori Wallach, Todd Tucker, John Quiggin, and different specialists from Australia, New Zealand, the united states, and Chile learn the geopolitics and safeguard context of the negotiations and set out the prices for different countries of making concessions to the U.S. just to in achieving a deal. They argue its tasks will interfere into middle parts of family govt coverage that have not anything to do with imports and exports, together with international funding, monetary rules, entry to reasonable drugs, meals criteria, prone, and executive procurement—the matters that brought on majority public competition to the 2004 U.S.-Australia unfastened exchange contract. specifically, this publication exposes the contradictions of nations locking even deeper right into a neo-liberal version of world unfastened markets, while even political leaders admit that this has failed.
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Extra resources for No Ordinary Deal: Unmasking the Trans-Pacific Partnership Free Trade Agreement
It signiﬁcantly re-drew what had been regarded hitherto as the obvious boundary between government and the private sector, to the point where government, it was argued, should be limited to basic functions like the defence of the realm and the maintenance of law and order, while private interests got on with the business of running the economy. The political consequences were far-reaching. The whole point of democracy, after all, is that the political power and legitimacy of a democratically elected government is deliberately set up as a counterforce to the overwhelming economic power of those who dominate an unfettered market economy.
Following the signing of the AUSFTA, the Howard government made speciﬁc changes to medicines policy that enable pharmaceutical companies to receive higher wholesale prices for some medicines. The government legislated in June 2007 for two categories of medicines to be listed under the PBS. The F1 category applies to single-brand medicines that are judged to have unique health beneﬁts and not to be interchangeable in their health eﬀects with other medicines. These medicines are not subject to reference pricing, and higher wholesale prices are paid for them.
Eﬃcient cooperative marketing entities like Fonterra or Zespri would immediately come under attack as being anti-competitive on the ground that they organise the market rather than leave it to individual operators. 11 Lobbying like this will, of course, be of major importance in driving the US negotiating position in free trade talks. But that would only be the beginning. There are many other instances where New Zealand’s ability to decide policy in its own interests would be challenged. For example, its ability to purchase drugs and medicines from international suppliers through a government agency like Pharmac (which has saved taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars) would be targeted as a monopsonistic aﬀront to a free market.
No Ordinary Deal: Unmasking the Trans-Pacific Partnership Free Trade Agreement