By Michael Thomas
This ebook explains the institutionalization of approximately unconditional American aid of Israel through the Reagan management, and its patience within the first Bush management by way of the contest of trust structures in American society and politics. Michael Thomas explains coverage alterations over the years and offers insights into what situations may result in lasting alterations in coverage. the amount identifies the $64000 household, social, spiritual and political parts that experience vied for primacy on coverage in the direction of Israel, and utilizing case reports, corresponding to the 1981 AWACS sale and the 1991 mortgage promises, argues that coverage debates were struggles to embed and implement ideals approximately Israel and approximately Arabs. It additionally establishes a framework for higher realizing the impacts and constraints on American coverage in the direction of Israel. An epilogue applies the teachings realized to the present Bush management. American coverage towards Israel may be of curiosity to scholars folks international coverage, heart japanese politics and diplomacy.
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This e-book explains the institutionalization of approximately unconditional American help of Israel throughout the Reagan management, and its patience within the first Bush management by way of the contest of trust platforms in American society and politics. Michael Thomas explains coverage alterations through the years and offers insights into what conditions may perhaps bring about lasting alterations in coverage.
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Additional info for American Policy toward Israel: The Power and Limits of Beliefs
L. (“Si”) Kenen had been public relations aide to Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver, Zionist movement leader after the Biltmore Conference. In 1951 he worked for Eban in a similar capacity. 6 He was to be there for months; he headed the office, which eventually became AIPAC, until 1975, and was active in AIPAC and its publications until his death in 1988. Issues of agency and of dual loyalty have dogged AIPAC. Kenen and his successors always insisted that AIPAC, like Brandeis, supported American values and interests, which would be advanced by a strong democratic ally 24 The pro-Israel community prior to 1981 in Israel.
Keegan testified against the 1981 AWACS sale. Churba argued that a militarily dominant and unfettered Israel was vital to American interests (Churba 1977; Churba 1980: Churba 1984). He probably drafted a 1979 campaign piece in the Washington Post in which Ronald Reagan made the case for strategic reliance on Israel (Quandt 1988: 361, n. 5). Thus, a network of advocates and experts was available to help a president or to work against him, depending upon the degree to which the administration’s policies supported Israel.
When he hired Douglas Bloomfield, former aide to Senator Humphrey and Representative Rosenthal, as legislative director in January 1980, there were four lobbyists and about 20 researchers and staff. 2 million (Goldberg 1996: 202). That meant contributions were relatively small, and the “strings” that come with large contributions were avoided. Amitay had close relationships with AIPAC officers and substantial discretion (Bloomfield interview). The misnamed Executive Committee, an unwieldy and scattered group of heads of major organizations, did not determine legislative strategy.
American Policy toward Israel: The Power and Limits of Beliefs by Michael Thomas